And it has an extra resonance now that a white nationalist is in the White House. One of the first acts of dissent against the Trump regime was when his vice-president, Mike Pence, attended the musical in November and received a polite post-curtain speech from the cast about tolerance. Hamilton tries to make its audience feel OK about patriotism and the idealism of early America.
But the casting of black and Hispanic actors makes it hard for the musical to deal directly with slavery, and so the issue only drips into the narrative rather than being confronted. When a proposal is brought before Washington to abolish slavery, Hamilton tells the cabinet: This is the stain on our soul and democracy A land of the free? Can you not foresee? Ultimately, though, the song was cut.
Alexander Hamilton: America's Forgotten Founder - Joseph A. Murray - Google книги
So it was tough to justify keeping that rap battle in the show, because none of them did enough. After Alexander Hamilton tells the first US president that two of his cabinet have resigned to run against him, Washington announces that he will step down to leave the field open. The decorated Virginian veteran was the only man who could unite the fractious revolutionaries after they defeated the British.
Washington could have become dictator for life; instead, he chose to create a true democracy. For Obama watching it in the audience, it must have felt like his narrative had come full circle. Towards the end of the song, Hamilton begins to read out the words of the farewell address he has written, and Washington joins in, singing over the top of them.
It was a technique cribbed from Will. The man who followed him clearly thinks no such thing, but nonetheless the nation must learn to move on. Yes, we did. For details visit: hamiltonthemusical. Afterwards, he served as his treasury secretary, established a national bank and founded the coastguard and the New York Post. He died in a duel in In , he married an older widow and educated their daughter, Theodosia, in a strikingly liberal way. The duel with Hamilton ended his political career. Maria Reynolds As a year-old, she had an affair with Hamilton, who was a decade older.
When confronted over his payments to her husband, Hamilton confessed to the relationship in The Reynolds Pamphlet. He always stayed non-partisan and did not join a party. His retirement after two presidential terms established a tradition. They had eight children together, with the eldest, Philip, dying in a duel two years before his father. Her history of feminism, Difficult Women , will be published in February This article appears in the 30 November issue of the New Statesman, The most powerful man in the world.
Sign up. He followed up with two pamphlets prophetic in their certitude that war would come, that the colonists would win with a guerrilla insurgency, and that they would outstrip Britain in population and wealth. Again and again in his career, Hamilton showed such premonitory insight: he saw complex things at a glance, saw them whole, and saw their consequences. The moment that news of Concord and Lexington reached New York, Hamilton, with his own brand of student activism, joined the militia and then, early in , the Continental Army.
An excellent commander and superb organizer, he won the admiration of a quartet of generals, including Washington, who invited him to join his staff as an aide-de-camp and lieutenant colonel. So the war he had wished for back in St. Croix had come and had indeed exalted his station.
It was more than a professional relationship. In this case, at least, there came to be. He nursed dreams of further, personal, glory and chafed when Washington vetoed his requests for his own command. The inevitable explosion came, as usually happens, over a trifle. He found Washington in a rage. I must tell you Sir you treat me with disrespect. In July , Washington finally gave him the command he craved, and it brought him all the glory he wished. When American and French armies had bottled up British general Cornwallis on the Yorktown, Virginia, peninsula, with a French fleet blocking him offshore, Washington wanted to crush him before rescue ships could arrive.
But the two victories checkmated Cornwallis, who surrendered five days later, on October 19, , ending the last great battle of the long war—though it was two more years before the British finally left New York City. He mused over how to fix what was broken, and read widely, filling the blank pages of his old artillery-company paybook with facts and quotations from Bacon, Cicero, Hobbes, Hume, Montaigne, and Plutarch, along with Postlethwayt on Trade and Commerce. That year, in a prophetic letter to Congressman James Duane, with his brilliant grasp of a complex whole in all its details, he sketched out that new government: energetic, strongly centralized, with power to raise an army and build a navy, assess taxes and contract foreign loans to support them, declare war or peace, regulate trade, coin money, and establish banks.
Having played his heroic part in the battle that won the war, he returned to civilian life aiming to help create that new order. Late in , he had married Elizabeth Schuyler, the levelheaded, endlessly kind daughter of General later Senator Philip Schuyler, head of a great patroon family, owner of tens of thousands of upstate acres, and a proud friend and powerful ally of his son-in-law ever after. The young couple moved into the Schuyler Mansion in Albany, a gabled, Dutch-style town founded by Stuyvesant, where Eliza listened to sermons in Dutch, still spoken in the Hudson Valley until well into the nineteenth century.
In October , three months after passing the bar, he became the equivalent of a British barrister. When the British finally left New York City, leaving behind a half-burned-out town stinking of sewage, Hamilton moved back with Eliza and brand-new baby Philip to a rented house at 57 Wall Street and became one of the city fathers who rebuilt Gotham. He joined the board of the now-renamed Columbia College, helped create the New York Board of Regents, and founded the Bank of New York—all within the first year or so of his return.
He also became one of the greatest lawyers of them all—up there with Daniel Webster, one judge later averred. A ll the while, the project of recasting the national government ripened in his mind.
While still cramming for the bar in , he won election to Congress, headed two of its key committees six months later, and grew all the more fervent for reform. At the convention, besides ensuring that immigrants like himself had full, New York—style opportunity to serve in Congress, he made only one other contribution: a six-hour speech outlining his ideal government.
He proposed a highly democratic House of Representatives elected every three years by universal manhood suffrage, counterbalanced by a president and senate to serve for life unless impeached for misbehavior , chosen by electors picked by men of property. His purpose was double. He also aimed to ensure real checks and balances between the rich and powerful and the rest. But behind his idea lay his deepest worry: that direct democracy could decline into mindless mob rule. So, too, in November did Hamilton try, unsuccessfully, to defend Tory newspaper publisher James Rivington when patriots destroyed his print shop.
In such tempestuous times, it requires the greatest skill in the political pilots to keep men steady and within proper bounds, on which account I am always more or less alarmed at every thing which is done of mere will and pleasure, without any proper authority.
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These are. This was a constitution that Hamilton thought worth fighting for, offering everything he had called for in his letter to Duane. In June , the Constitution took effect when the ninth state ratified it. Croix boss, Nicholas Cruger. He did more than solve it. Its next task is to nurture a diversified economy that includes manufacturing. The object is not just the production of more goods and services but of human fulfillment in thinking them up and creating them.
Once in motion, who knows how far the machinery of opportunity and progress can go?
The more demand expands, the more enterprise responds. The bowels as well as the surface of the earth are ransacked for articles which were before neglected. Animals, Plants and Minerals acquire an utility and value, which were before unexplored. It would be impolitic, too: for if the federal government could convert all the various bonds and promissory notes representing those debts into federal government securities that people believed would actually be paid in full, those securities could serve as money.
But they could do so, to repeat, only if people believed that they were really worth what they said they were worth, and government creates such belief by keeping its promises, not repudiating them. Of course, the nation had insufficient gold and silver to pay these debts in full, so Hamilton proposed instead to renegotiate and restructure them into several kinds of interest-bearing annuities.
Thus stabilized in value, the securities could serve as money. But in the process, Hamilton had to untangle a jumble. And what of the state debts?
And so Hamilton made his famous deal with Jefferson and Madison over dinner on June 20, By the end of July, the necessary legislation had passed. T hat month, now in the new capital of Philadelphia, Hamilton sent Congress his Report on a National Bank , laying out the last parts of his plan—a bank to issue currency and lend it, a mint to print and coin it, and a customs service to collect duties and catch smugglers. Paper money, Hamilton understood, has an almost magical aspect.
Like a bond, a banknote is just a promise, resting on the credit of the issuer, and credit is mere belief. Opinion is the soul of it, and this is affected by appearances, as well as realities. How far beyond the value of the gold and silver can the paper currency grow? Stockholders would pay for their shares in four installments over two years.
So why was this not a pyramid scheme? Hamilton made one of those leaps of faith that, once made, prove true. He believed that the country had a vast latent productive capacity and raw developable land that just needed to be unlocked with capital to start gushing wealth.
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Hamilton insisted that the bank be run privately, not by government which held a 20 percent stake, to give it some oversight power. Underlying the magical belief, he repeatedly insisted, had to be a foundation of hard reality: some specie is really there; loans go to people whose character and business plans the bank finds, after careful inspection, solid enough to pay back the money.
Politicians are less prudent. A s Hamilton rolled out his new revolution, opponents rose up in outrage. One revolution, they thought, had been enough, perhaps even too much. Some, like New York governor George Clinton, guarding his vast power from federal constraint, resisted even ratifying the Constitution as long as he could. Where, for instance, does the Constitution give government authority to charter a bank?
What would such power do? The ferocity of this clash, which marked the birth of our two-party system, startles us today.
Yes—for their experiment in government, still brand-new, seemed fragile to them. A nd they said so pseudonymously in their party newspapers, the Republicans with a scurrility that even modern bloggers rarely achieve. In a now-familiar tactic, the Republicans tried to wear Hamilton down with two congressional inquiries, requiring written reports and days of testimony on his personal as well as official financial dealings. In truth, they wore each other down.
Jefferson left the cabinet at the end of , Hamilton resigned as Treasury secretary just over a year later, and Washington decided that two terms were enough and returned to Mount Vernon in O ne of the dumbest things ever said about a land settled by immigrants seeking a new start across the sea is that there are no second acts in American lives. America, especially Hamiltonian opportunity America, is all about second chances—and third and fourth ones.
But Hamilton himself had done almost everything in his power to make his own political comeback very difficult. But Hamilton was a sucker for pretty young women in distress perhaps hoping to rescue someone like his mother. And at the height of his power, as he was guiding his bank bill through Congress in the summer of , he fell just as easily for Maria Reynolds, who with her husband seems to have made a career of shaking down prominent men. O f course, no amount of money would stop these people from using the power they had over him, and they passed it on to his enemies.